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SOUTHERN STATES, 



THEIR PRESENT PERII^,_^ 



AND 



THEIR CERTAIN REMEDY. 



WHY DO THEY NOT 



RIGHT THEMSELVES? 



AND SO FULFIL 



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THEIR GLORIOUS DESTINY. 

CHARLESTON: 

PRINTED BY EDWARD C COUNCELL, 

No. 119 East-Bay, adjoining the News Office. 

1850. _ , 



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THE 



SOUTHERN STATES, 



THEIR PRESENT PERIL, 



AND 



THEIR CERTAIN REMEDY. 



WHY DO THEY NOT 



RIGHT THEMSELYRg? 






AND SO FULFlf^/> 



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— -~-m — -^ ^ 



THEIR GLORIOU^ DESTINY 



CHARLESTON: 

PRINTED BY EDWARD C. COUNCELL, 

No. 119 East-Bay, adjoining the News Office. 

1850. 






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PREFACE. 



The citizens of St. John's, Colleton, having assembled at Rock- 
ville, on the 18th inst., for the purpose of obtaining from their candi- 
dates an expression of their opinions upon the question at issue, be- 
tween the Southern and the Free-soil States ; and the meeting having 
been organized, Mr. John Townsend arose and addressed them. The 
following being a brief abstract of his introductory address : 

He admitted fully the right of the people to be made acquainted 
with the sentiments of the candidates ; and the duty of the candi- 
dates to express their opinions without disguise or concealment, and 
in such a form as would be least likely to lead to misapprehension ; 
and especially at a time, like this, when the state of the country was 
so full of difficulty and peril. He considered the liberties and politi- 
cal independence of the Southern States as being in greater danger 
at this time, than at any other period before or since the Declaration of 
Independence ; and requiring from their citizens all their energies of 
mind, of heart and fortunes, to vindicate their rights. He regarded 
them as rapidly approaching the turning point of their destiny; and 
that the great epoch, from which they would hereafter have to date 
their history, was not very far off. Like the colonies of '76, in their 
relations to the mother country, so the Southern States would soon 
have to take their stand towards the Free-soil States of this Union. 
They cannot stand still as they are, and at the same time preserve 
their property and liberties as citizens, and their political indepen- 
dence as States. They are in a transition state, and every man 
begins to feel that a great change is about to take place in their po- 
litical condition; which some lament over as a calamity, but all re- 
gard as an unavoidable necessity which must be met, and must be 
provided against. 

He regretted to perceive that theie was wanting, as yet, that buoy- 
ant hopejulness, that undoubting confidence in a favourable result^ 
which is so necessary to success. Vague and undefined apprehen- 
sions, as to consequences, appear to perplex the minds of our people. 
This is but natural. It was so at the commencement of our revolu- 
tion, in 76; and harrassed timid men, during the whole struggle. 
Great changes in the social and political condition of the people are 



always serious things ; and even the boldest and most resolute men un- 
dertake them with caution. The apathy, then, which appeared to pre- 
vail in some of the Southern States, he did not believe to be owing to ti- 
midity or indifference to their wrongs ; but with some, to their not ha- 
ving duly reflected upon the magnitudeoi the danger with which we 
are threatened: and with others,to the reluctance with which most men 
begin to redress their grievances ; or until they become intolerable. 
But from what cause soever, this apathy proceeded, he considered it 
highly injurious to the cause of Southern rights; since it was both 
infectious, and discouraging to our friends ; and our enemies rejoiced 
over it, as an evilence of our weakness and timidity, which encour- 
aged them to greater insult and aggression upon the South. 

In view then, of this state of things, he expressed his intention to 
address his remarks to those points chiefly, which have relation to 
this aspect of the question. He would, therefore, not discuss at all 
the various measures of anti-slavery aggression, since he supposed 
that the minds of most Southern men were made up on those subjects. 
But taking up the question where our Legislature had left it off, and 
assuming, as they had declared, that upon these points " the argu- 
ment had been exhausted," — he would advance to the next stage in 
our progress ; and the " wrongs " having been already pointed out, 
proceed to consider the remedy, and the consequences which are 
likely to flow from that remely. 

He proceeded then to state, that on so grave and weighty a matter 
as the remedy for our wrongs, he did not consider it respectful to 
the citizens of the Parish, or prudent in himself, to address them, 
with only the aid of brief notes, since from his habits of retirement 
as a planter, residing almost entirely upon his plantation ; and from 
his having withdrawn himself from the political strifes of the 
times, for the last sixteen years, he was very unpractised in ad- 
dressing large public assemblies. For these reasons, he preferred to 
present to the meeting, in loriting, what it appeared suitable to him 
to address to them ; which course appeared to him, to be especially 
proper, on the present occasion, — since the sentiments of the candi- 
dates have been called for through the public prints, in a form suita- 
ble for publication, in order that every citizen, whether present, or 
absent, might have an opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with 
them. He then proceeded to read, to the assembly, the following 
Address. 



ADD R ESS. 



It cannot fail to strike every man, who has turned his atten- 
tion to the state of public sentiment at the South, in reference 
to our controversy with the free-soil States and the General Gov- 
ernment, that there are two classes, (for I will not call llicm par- 
ties) at the South, who appear to entertain different views on 
this subject. These views, although they cannot be said to be 
opposite, nevertheless lead to very opposite results ; — the one to 
comparative inaction, — the other to timely and vigorous resist- 
ance. The former class, view the " Wilmot proviso," as applied 
to California and the territories, and the other measures of anti- 
slavery aggression, which from time to time have been pressed 
upon us, in Congress, — as measures which beijin, and terminate 
in themselves ; and although they regard them as wrong, as un- 
just, and unconstitutional, as nevertheless, so far removed in 
their effects upon our interests, as not to justify any serious 
alarm. They are therefore willing, to patch up a peace, by a 
compromise with our enemies. 

The other class, on the other hand, view those measures, as 
parts of a regular systern of operations, — the object, intention, 
and inevitable tendency of which, is, — to abolish slavery entirely 
in the States, and to degrade the South into a tribute- paying 
colony to the rest of the Union. Viewing then these measures 
in this light, they are prepared, and willing to meet the question 
atones; and keep safe their citidel, by defending the outposts. 

Both classes are very unanimously agreed to defend the citi- 
del, when that is attacked, but unhappily, all at the South, do 
not see in these measures, the mighty evil which lurks behind 
them, and which threatens such fearful consequences, to our so- 
cial and political life. 

The first question then, for the people of the South to settle 
in their minds, is, the reality of this danger. For upon the set- 
tlement of this question, will depend their nnion ; and upon 
their union will depend their safety, their stability and their hap- 
piness; — a safety certain, and undoubted ; a stability to their in- 
stitutions, which they have never before possessed ; and a polit- 
ical happiness and prosperity, which they have heretofore never 
enjoyed, and which, owing to their favored position, it has rarely 
been the lot of any former people to attain unto. 



The first thing then for us to consider, is, the realitij of this 
danorcr: and this can be best understood, by taking a luief re- 
view of the progress of the anti-slavery spirit of aggression, 
within a few years past. 

It is scarcely sixteen years since this dangerous sul>ject began 
first to be meddled with in Congress. Previous to that lime, it 
appeared to have been considered as a subject forbidden to that 
body ; and as it was the sole concern, so under the exclusive 
contrf)l, of the people of the Sonth. 

About the year 1835, the anti-slavery party at the North, began 
to agitate Congress by an interference with our institutions : at 
which time, as we have been informed by Mr. Calhoun, " peti- 
tions poured iri, calling upon Congress, to abolish slavery in the 
District of Columbia, and to prohibit what they called the inter- 
nal slave trade between the States, announcing at the same time, 
that their ultimate object was, to abolish slavery not only in the 
District of Columbia, but in the States and throughout the Union. 

Let it be here well noted, — that their ultimate object, as openly 
avowed by them, even at that time, was the abolition of slavery 
in the States : and that the other measures were urged upon Con- 
gress, as only the preliminary steps towards the attainment of 
that oljject. 

Now, in all the measures which they have since pressed upon 
us, in proportion as they have been gaining strength, that has 
been their aim : — an aim, which we should be j^uilty of the 
grossest fatuity, if we ourselves lost sight of. 

Fifteen years ago, the South was stronger in Congress, not only 
in her own numbers, but by the aid of all right-thinking men 
from the North. The anti-slavery party accordingly failed at 
that time to obtain a lodgement in Congress, by which to assail 
us from that position. The Senate of the United States adopted 
a rule, by which their petitions on the subject of slavery were 
virtually not received : and the House of Representatives another, 
by which, although such petitions were received, they were nei- 
ther to be considered, printed, or referred. 

This, however, did not discourage our enemies, but on the 
other hand, seemed to excite them to beat more vociferously at 
the doors of Congress to carry out their schemes. At every 
election at the North, and after every census, their strength in- 
creased ; — whilst ours, by the loss of representation for two-fifths 
of our slaves, as well as from other causes, diminished ; and our 
former adherents fell off. Under this state of things, our enemies 
boldly advanced upon us, in the number and magnitude of their 
aggressions ; and beo-an to extend the sphere of their operations. 

They required of Congress, to abolish slavery in all {\\q forts 
and dock-yards of the South ; with a view to making them the 
retreats for absconding slaves, and the magazines of abolition 



in the midst of our slave population. As the influence and power 
of that party extended at the Norlh, (as it has done very rapidly,) 
they took possession of their own State Leijislatures ; — and these 
united with them in petitions and instructions to Congress, not 
only to promote the schemes just enumerated, but " to exclude 
the Southern States from all Territories acquired, or to be ac- 
quired, and to prevent the admission of any State hereafter into 
the Union, which by its constitution does not prohibit slavery. 
And Congress is invoked to do all this, as Mr. Calhoun has given 
us warnings, "expressly with the view to the final aboHlion of 
slaver'^' in the States.'' ' That has been avowed to be the ultimate 
object from the beginning of the agitation until the present: 
And yet the great body of both parties at the North, with the 
full knowledge of the fact, have co-operated with them in almost 
all their measures." 

With stich objects known and avowed, it might be supposed, 
that Congress, under the restraints which are imposed upon it by 
the constitution for the security of our institutions, would have 
interposed a barrier against schemes of aggression, which so 
plainly violate our rights, and jeopard our safety. But this has 
not been so. The rule which excluded from Congress the dan- 
gerous schemes of these misguided men has been for several 
years abolished in the House of Representatives; and the Senate, 
at the present session, has also been compelled to give way before 
the encroaching spirit of this ferocious party. The halls of Con- 
gress, — that common council -room for the South, as well as the 
North, is now taken possession of by them; and instead -of that 
comity which is due to the Southern States, as equals in the con- 
federacy, their representatives have been openly insulted, by 
resolutions solemnly adopted, denouncing our institutions ;\and 
the sovereign States themselves, which they represent, begin to 
be regarded, in the arrogance of irresponsible power, as having 
no rights, except such as may be vouchsafed to them by suffer- 
ance. In the House of Representatives, by a vote which em- 
braced almost, if not every representative from the North, it has 
been with all due formality declared to us, " that slavery is in- 
famous." And in the Senate, it has been announced, by a grave 
Senator, who represents the views of that party, that their object 
in excluding us from the territories, is, " that slavery might be 
localized anli discouraged." In other words, the Southern States 
are not to be permitted to expand and improve their condition, 
but are to be walled up, within their present limits. By which 
process, according to the notions of humanity, entertained by the 
philanthropists, who have taken us under their care, the masters 
and their slaves will be so crowded together, upon the soil which 
they now occupy, that in the progress of a few years, there must 
ensue a struo-o^le for subsistence, or for ascendancy between the 



8 

races, which will lerminate in the annihilation of one, or both 
of them. This scheme ot self-destruction, — this species of po- 
litical suicide, is the mildest form, and the slowest process, by 
which our enemies propose to abolish slavery among us. It is 
the plan universally approved of, by those who call themselves 
our " friends" at the North. /Vnd even Mr. Webster, who may 
be considered the soberest amon^them (in opinions at least,) has 
announced it as their settled policy, " that no more slave States 
are to be admitted into this Union," beyond the present slave 
territory of Texas ; thus looking to the process just stated, for 
the final extinguishment of slavery among us. 

This, be it remembered, is the mildest form ; — the plan of our 
" friends" so called.; and who are so ready, in our wars in Con- 
o-ress, on that question, to step in with their "compromises," be- 
tween us, and the most virulent of our foes, to sooth us and them 
by temporary expedients. But there is another class at the North, 
— the fanatics in religion ;— the fanatics in politics ; — the dema- 
gogues of all parties, hunting for their prey of office or power, 
who are aiming at the abolition of slavery in the States, by a 
plan more speedy, direct and summary. The South, accor- 
ding to the tactics of these men, is to be " localized, and discou- 
raged," restricted to her present limits, and no slave State per- 
mitted again to enter the Union. On the other hand, every in- 
terest at the North, is to be fostered, expanded and encouiaged, 
by all the patronage and wealth of the general government ; and 
all the common territory reserved for the exclusive use and ad- 
vantage of the citizens of that section. New States are to be 
laid out, multiplied and admitted into the Union ; (as they will 
have the abundant power, in a short time, to do) without res- 
traint, then follows the accomplishment of their scheme. 

The " South localized and discouraged ;"— the North fostered, 
expanded and multiplied, our enemies will soon have the requi- 
site mw^oniY wider the Constitution, to do by " right," that is le- 
gally, and constitutionally, (if we remain united to them) what- 
ever they may will, in regard to us ;— and that will be, one of 
two things. First — Either to abolish slavery immediately, in 
the South, as is now the avowed purpose of both species of fan- 
aticism, which is arrayed against us. Or, 2d. — If they allow 
us to keep our slaves, it will be on certain prescribed conditions, 
which they will impose upon us, as to our management of them, 
and upon the condition only, that the South, with her shives, 
shall become the slaves of the North, to labour not for our own, 
but for their benefit. Whichever of these conditions may be 
vouchsafed to us l)y ouretiemies, will depend upon the struo^gle 
which will take place among themselves, — between their rcli- 
<j;ious and political fanaticism on the one side, and their avarice 
and lust for power, on the other. Ikit whatever may be their 



decision, either alternative will be fatal to us, and onr choice 
will be only that of the slave. Our condition, under the first, we 
shall notice presently ; under tlie second, our condition will be 
the most abject and degraded, which has ever fallen to the lot 
of a subjugated people ; — the prey of a merciless avarice, havhig 
not one sympathy with us, and which, from our pusilanimity, 
will have such tjood cause to spurn and despise us ! ! 

Let no Southern man delude himself for a single moment, into 
the persuasion, that the measures which are preparing for us, 
in the councils of the anti-slavery party at the North, are limi- 
ted to their own accomplishment ;— and then ! we are to have a 
final and lasting peace. The facts and considerations which 
have just been presented (independent of the bold and open a- 
vowal of our enemies) go to show that those measures are not 
only advancing upon us, in hostility, but that they are all advan- 
cing steadily, to one common centre, and that is, the abolition of 
slavery in the whole South \—ihe abolition of slaver ij in every 
State;— ihe giving of freedom to his slaves, upon every man's 
oion plantation ! ! 

That is the real danger, which we must prepare ourselves to 
guard against, in the measures of resistance which it becomes us 
to adopt. That is the mighty evil, which is threatened us by 
the anti-slavery influence at the North, and which stands as the 
grand terminus of all the roads, and schemes, and plans, which 
every cUass and party of that influence are pursuing in relation 
to slavery. Some may take a longer road than others, to reach 
the terminus : some may prefer a wider plan, in accomplishing 
the journey ; whilst many may be disposed to pause for awhile, 
on the way, to amuse themselves, and as with "compromises," 
whilst they are gathering fresh strength, the more certainly to 
attain their end. But all, all, no matter what road they may 
have taken, have their faces turned towards the same object ; and 
whether they may be restrained by the constitutional scruples of 
Senator Webster, or by the scriptural teachings of President 
Stuart, considered as the extreme of the party, on the one side ; 

or whether they be driven on by the monomaniac phrenzy of 

rabid men, such as Garrison, and Giddings, Hall, Phillips or 
Tuck, as representing the other extreme of the party,— they 
have each, and all of them, their heads, their hearts, and their 
hands employed in the same common work, of abolishing slave- 
ry in the States, and upon each plantation in each State. 

I reiterate this fact: because it is of the last importance, fhnt 
it be kept before our eyes, and engraven upon our hearts. In 
the light of this truth, the soft spoken freesoiler is on a par with 
the niost brawling and fanatic abolitionist : only that the former 
is the more to be dreaded ; since with his flattering promises 
which heknows hecannot fulfil, and h.s plausible "compromises," 



10 

which he knows are deceitful, he lulls us into security, and then 
stupifies us into^ non-resistance ! 

Such, then, being the mighty evil, which is preparing for us, 
sooner or later, in the councils of every party at the North, it may 
be useful to us, to give a glance, as we proceed, at the fearful 
consequences, which will befall us, if we do not avert it, by 
a timely and effectual resistance. The imagination sickens with 
disgust, and the heart swells with indignation, whilst contem- 
plating these consequences. 

Briefly, what are they? 

First. — The elevating of our slaves to a political equality with 
ourselves in the making of our laws, and in the government of 
the country ; which will soon be followed by the degredation, 
(as in the i3ritish and French West Indies) — of the claims of a 
vulgar and upstart race, to social equality with ourselves, and 
families, in all the domestic relations of life. 

2d. — The overrunning of our country with swarms of an in- 
dolent, vicious, and unthrifty species of Lazaroni, instead of the 
best agricultural population in the world such as we now have 
them. 

3d. — As a consequence of their release from the control of 
their masters, the abandonment of the cultivation of all the great 
agricultural staples of the South, from which we derive our 
wealth at home, and our chief influence abroad; and as the ne- 
cessary consequence of this, the poverty, ruin and distress of 
our families. 

4th. — The loss of fifteen hundred millions of our capital, in 
the loss of property in our slaves, and in the labour which are 
derived from them. 

.5th. — The depreciation of other fifteen hundred millions of 
our capital in land, which would become comparatively valueless 
after our labour capital was destroyed ; and 

6th. — Our political annihilation among the nations of the 
earth ; and the blighting contempt with which we should be 
spit upon by all mankind ; as the fitting recompence for that 
people, who could submit to such degredation, and consent still 
to live ! ! 

The real danger with which we are threatened, having been 
ascertained, and some of its consequences briefly pointed out, 
we now proceed to a consideration of the measures by which 
our enemies should be resisted, and that danger averted. And 
here we will adopt the idea which we have before used to illus- 
trate our subject, and say, that as the measures which have, 
from time to time been urged upon Congress, by the anti-slave- 
ry party, should each and every one of them, be viewed as 
-jt'irts of one [(oieral system of measures, — the object and in- 
tention of wiiich is, to abolish slavery in the States 5 — so each 



11 

one of them should be regarded as assailing one of the outposts 
which guards our citadel ; and that the loss of any one of them 
to us, strengthens and encourages our enemies ; weakens and 
discourages us ; and renders us less able to defend our citadel, 
when the great struggle shall arise, (as come it must, sooner or 
later,) which is to decide for us the question, whether we are to 
live and not die. Each of those aggressions should then be 
encountered with resolute hostility, as involving the final issue ; 
and without reference to its own intrinsic ofFensiveness, which, 
perhaps, standing alone, may be unimportant in itself. 

This being premised, I will now go on to add, that the plan 
of action which it seems to me proper for the South to pursue, 
is, in the first place, taking no council from fear, to consider 
calmly and deliberately their position with a view to decide ?^Aa^ 
are their rights : and after they have decided, what these are, 
then resolutely to insist upon them, and ininioveahly maintain 
them. Forewarned, as we have been of their intentions, we 
should be forearmed to meet and counteract them. Upon a 
question of this grave nature, which involves our political life 
or death, no concession is allowable, which increases the strens^fh 
of our enemies, and diminishes our ability to resist them. Any 
Delilah '"'compromise" then, whether offered by some half South- 
ern man, and supported by whole Northern " friends," so called, 
if it shears us of even one lock of our strength, is not for a mo- 
ment to be listened to. We must stand upon our rights in their 
entirety ; — have them ; or prepare for the consequences. 

The Consequences ! what are they? Some timid one may 
say, "it may lead to disunion or civil war 1" Not properly, nor 
rightfully; certainly not necessarily; except our enemies would 
afford us the proof, that we have remained already too long in 
the Union ; and they would now use force to keep us there, to 
plunder or degrade us. But we will examine this presently. 

Some one else may ask, "why not settle the difficulty by cotn- 
promise ; and let us have a lasting quiet." We will examine 
this now. 

W^e might not be unwilling, to bring to the altar of peace, 
some of our rights, and offer them as a sacrifice, on our part, for 
the happiness of our country ; if we could be assured, tliat by 
this means, peace, a lasting peace, was to be secured, and the 
question settled now, and forever. But " compromise," implies 
mutual concessions ;— the giving up of admitted rights, equally 
by both parties. To be permanent, it requires that the parties 
making it, should themselves be permanent, and can bind their 
successors; and that each intends to act with good faith towards 
the other. 

Viewed in this light, every element is wanting, in this case, 
towards a proper compromise. The North concedes to us, no 



12 

right on her part ; whilst we are required to give up those, — the 
yielding up of which, will be felt to their woe, by our latest 
posterity. We enter too, into a compromise, with a party now, 
who, if they intend to deal honestly by us, at the ratification, may 
next year, in the varying fluctuations of political life, be placed 
beyond the ability to keep their engagements : or, what is more 
probable, may be recognized, as traitors in the ranks of our en- 
emies, — sucked in, within the whirlpool of abolitionism, and for 
the sake of its rewards, making no efforts to extricate themselves, 
or keep their plighted faith. 

Besides, the materials, of which the anti-slavery party at the 
North is composed, are of such qualities, that it renders the idea 
of any permanent compromise with them, utterly preposterous. 
No concessions, short of the total, and perhaps immediate aboli- 
tion of slavery, will, or can, ever suthfy them: — and especially 
such concessions, as we shall make; since they will suppose, that 
they are extorted from onr fears ; which will only encourage 
their audacity, to demand more, and greater. 

Of this every one will be satisfied, who considers carefully the 
materials of which that party is made up. What are they ? 
Fanatics in religion ; fanatics in politics ; the ravening dema- 
gogue, hunting after office, and the spoils of party. And when, 
from the beginnin"- of time, to the present hour, have such men 
been satisfied with concessions, which have been yielded to their 
veracity, or been extorted from tiie supposed fears of their vic- 
tims. 

The religious fanatic, who believes contrary to the teachings 
of scripture, that slaver^'' is a sin, and a crime against God and 
man ; and who sets up his own crude notioris about religion and 
morality, as the standard for other men, and by Avhich he impi- 
ously tries even the revelation of the all wise God hinjself : — 
what concession can satisfy such a man, excejit the entire oblit- 
eration of the sin. 

The political fanatic, who professes to be governed by obliga- 
tions " higher than the Constitution ;" and who, in his sublima- 
ted notions about civil society, which never have been, and never 
can be realized, claims that all men are born free and equal, and 
have a right to be fed and clothed at the expense of somebody 
else :— What can satisfy this class, — except raising the slave to 
an er|ua]ity with the master, and sharing with him his property? 

The wily, non-conmiittal, luuigry demagogue : — the first arti- 
cle of whose creed, is, to sioear by the ^'- in ajority ^^'' and to live 
and die feeding at the public crib: — What compromises will 
.'^uch a man observe, when the stream of popular favour turns 
against us, and it becomes his interest to desert us? 

Any compromise tiien. which we may make with the North, 
governed as it is, and as it is likely ever to be, by such materials 



13 

as the anti-slavery party is composed of, must result in nothing 
else, than the advantage and final triumph of our enemies, and 
in disaster and ruin to ourselves. And the South cannot be too 
soon waked up to this truth. The most plausible compromises 
on this question will prove to us 

" Like dead-sea fruits, which tempt Ihe eye, 
But turn to ashes on the lips. 

The whole history of them, bears testimony to the utter faith- 
lessness, with which they have been observed by the North. 
The ordinance of '87, although in strictness of definition not a 
"compromise ;" since the North, on its part, gave up no right, or 
valuable consideration, may yet be considered, as a bargain. 
Virginia by a queenly, (but as the event has turned out) most fa- 
tuous o-enerosity, gave up to the exclusive use of the North, a 
munifi'cent domain of North Western Territory ; annexing to 
the frift but two conditions, the first, that but four States, and no 
more, should be formed out of it : and second, that fugitive 
slaves should be delivered up, on demand of their owners. The 
North greedily accepted the princely gift, subject to the condi- 
tions. But what is the fulfilment on their part? Instead of four, 
they have carved out Jive States, by which to increase their 
power in the Senate : and instead of delivering up to the South 
her fugitive slaves, they murder and imprison her citizens, who 
go there to recover their property. 

The Missouri "compromise," so ca//ec?, (but with what pro- 
priety, is not so plain) is the next example, of the worthlessness 
of all attempts to settle permanently this vexed question, by 
coricessio7is, on the part of the South. In that case, the North 
gave up nothing, and gained every thing. The South, on her 
part sacrificed a great principle, and along with it, gave up im- 
mensely valuable rights. For what ?-for the poor privilege 
at best, of being let alone for a few years. The North claimed 
what they had no right to ask,— the exclusion of slavehold- 
ers with their slaves from any portion of our territories. For 
this which they had no right to, they clamoured, and blustered 
and'thrcatened : and the South, to their everlasting reproach and 
dishonour, as well as to their incalculable injury, suff'ered therri- 
sev es to be influenced by these things ; and yielded a principle 
wh;ch they should have guarded with their life, and advanfa- 
sls which they never can recover. • ^ , , 

Amidst this uproar and clamour, which was stirred up by the 
wrono--doer, the memorable " Missouri compromise," (as it is 
called") was started by some one, in the fraudulent conspiracy. 
It offered the latitude of 36° 30', (which, be it here remembered, 
is the Southern boundary of Virginia and Kentucky, and .Mis- 
souri,— States, all within latitudes suitable for slave labour,) as 
2 



14 

the line of division between the two sections :— slavery to be 
prohibited to the north ot that line, but not be interfered with 
south of it. In this the North gave up no right or privilege, or 
advantage which they were entitled to, except the right to blus- 
ter and extort ; — whilst the South consented to be excluded from 
fertile and valuable territory, well suited to her institutions ; and 
so has greatly diminished her political power. The considera- 
tions, for which these advantages were given up, were that the 
North should give vs peace, and that upon the basis of that line 
of latitude, the difficulties should be settled then and forever. 

Such were the hopes and expectations, held out to us, by the 
miserable " Missouri compromise" — a compromise, especially to 
be remembered by us, both as a great calamity, as well as a 
most impressive warning ! 

The history of Congress furnishes us with the evidence in 
what manner these justly indulged expectations have been ful- 
filled ; and how Northern men have kept their plighted faith, on 
the subject of slavery. Almost from the time of that compro- 
mise, up certainly to the present hour, instead of courtesy and 
peace, we have had insult and violence. The topic of slavery 
has been thrust in upon the legislation of Congress, without 
any necessity, and in the most offensive forms. Our institutions 
have been assailed, our property stolen horn us; our just rights, 
under the Constitution, denied us, insulting resolutions aimed 
directly at us, have been passed by Congress itself; our feelings 
have been outraged; and instead of that consideration and res- 
pect, which are due to us, as equals, they begin to treat us, with 
an overbearing arrogance ; which plainly admonishes us, that we 
are hereafter to be regarded as a subjugated people, dependent 
upon a distant and irresponsible majority, for our dearest rights, 
and for the privilege even of a political existence. And now in 
the very wantonness of power, they are about to inflict upon us, 
the crowning act of their injustice. They demand now, that we 
shall not only be excluded with our slaves, from all territories, 
north of 36"^ 30', but from every portion of the public domain 
south ot that line ; and also from a large portion of Texas, which 
was secured to the South by the solemnity of a treaty. And all 
this is done, in a manner, and with declarations so offensive, as 
to make the depth of contempt, and disparagement, to which 
our donkey passiveness, or (as they may siij)pose) our timidi/i/ 
has sunk us, ;ind as if further, to l.iuah to scorn, the stupid cre- 
dulity which has put faith in their promises. 

It should be noted here, however, in ajjology for those few 
Southern men, who gave their sanction to the '• ^tiissouri com- 
promise," that they had not then, as we have now, such evidence 
of the faithlessness of the anti-slavery power in Congress, upon 
all (juestions, which afiect our Southern institutions. Our ene- 



15 

tnies, approached us then, as " brethren," and our Southern heart 
kindling at the appeal, yielded to their exactions, for the purpose 
of living at peace with them. 

But if the leading men of that day beguiled some of our pre- 
decessors with enticing words, and then betrayed them with a 
kiss ; we of the present day, should be without apology, and be 
recreant to posterity, if we shut oureyes to the fact, that we have 
to deal now with the same Judas, who will again betray us ; — 
if not for the thirty pieces of silver, yet for the honours and 
spoils of office at home. We cannot now retract our steps, in 
the Missouri compromise or recall the advantages we then for- 
ever parted with. But now, that another and similar crisis is at 
hand, we can profit by the experience of the past ; and planting 
ourselves upon our rights, and resolving not to yield another 
hair's breadth of them to any power on earth, leave to others, 
the responsibility of pushing us if they dare, from our position. 

Our judgments, when enlightened by a careful review of (he 
whole question instructs us ; and our experience confirms the 
important truths. First — That no concessions on the subject of 
slavery has ever, or can ever satisfy our enemies. 2d. — That 
the anti-slavery spirit is not only aggressive, but rapidly pro- 
gressive ; and 3d — that sooner or later^ the battle will have to be 
fought on the final is sue ^ viz: whetherweshallcontinue oursla- 
very institutions in the States; or whether the North shall take 
that matter into their own hands, and regulate it for us, accor- 
ding to their own caprice, and not for our own, but their bene- 
fit. The only alternatives for us to indulge a choice in, are, as 
to the time when ? and the manner how? we shall meet the 
great final issue. 

Shall we meet it, and fight the great battle now, whilst we 
have strength, and allies, and the spirit of our people unbroken 1 
or shall we postpone it. a little later, by compromising and tem- 
porising] when our enemies shall have multiplied in numbers 
and increased in power ; — when our strength shall have dimin- 
ished, our allies deserted us, and the spirit of our people crushed 
and discouraged ? These are the alternatives, which we have 
to choose between ! ! 

But it may be objected to, by someone who is afraid of his 
own shadow, or perchance of ghosts, the shadows of other 
imaginary things, and who is afraid to do what is right, or what 
is his duty, " because something may happen." " If we are to 
make no concessions on the subject of slavery, — if we arc to 
allow of no compromise, what then? How is the question to 
be settled, except by disunion, or civil war?" 

Now it is freely admitted that if they who have the power to 
do us justice, refuse to do so, and prefer to drive us over the 
precipice, that we must either submit to their encroachments, 



16 

with all the fearful and degrading consequences, which I have 
but only glanced at, or encounter the alternate consequences of 
disunion, or, perchance, of civil war. If either of the latter al- 
ternatives are pressed upon us; we, at least, shall not be re- 
sponsible for the consequences ; and we shall have the advan- 
tage of appearing before mankind in the attitude of men who 
are contending not only for their just rights, but for rights 
which are indispensible for their political existence. 

But as States, as well as individuals, men should take no 
important step without deliberating upon the consequences of 
the act, it becomes the South to examine well, what will be the 
effect npon their destiny of disunion or civil war. And first 
of disunion. 

In order to understand the abundant resources of the South- 
ern States, towards becoming a ^reat, powerful and indepen- 
dent nation, capable of protecting herself from all ngaression from 
abroad, or at home; and of becoming wealthy and prosperous 
to a degree heretofore seldom enjoyed by any people. Examine 
first, the map of the United Slates, and then indulge. in certain 
considerations, which obviously present themselves, but which 
the occasion will allow us, only very briefly to glance at. 

Beginning at the Capes of the Dekiware, go up that bay until 
Vv''e reach the southern boundary of Pennsylvania. Pursue 
that boundary west, to the Ohio river; then down that river to 
its junction with the Mississippi ; then up that river to the 
northern boundary of the State of Missoiu'i ; then around the 
northern and the western bonndnry of that State to the line of 
36"^ 30' ; thence west on that line to the Pacific Ocean. Or, if it 
be preferred, until it strikes the U|)per waters of the Rio Grande ; 
then down that river to the Gulf of Mexico ; and tlience, 
aroiuid to ihe Atlantic. Within these boundaries we have 
"The Southern United States of North America," — as magnifi- 
cent a country as ever the sun shone upon ; — solid, compact, 
and sell-supporting for all purposes of defence, — with noble 
rivers, a fertile soil, great mineral resources, a genial climate, 
for all purposes of agriculture, manufactures, and v.ommerce ; 
and with a population at this time, of about t),()t)0,()00 whites, — 
a liardy race, enterprising, ctnu'ageous, intelligent and generous; 
but unhappily for themselves, too confidinir in those who are 
lulling them into security, to betray and then ruin ihem. These 
Slates also possess a black population of about 3,01)0,000, — a 
docile, obedient, orderly, and athletic people ; — when let alone, 
hc'ippy, contented, and attached to their owners; and with their 
labor directed by ihe superior intelligence of the white race, and 
aided by their capital, consiiluting one of the most efficient and 
profital)lc classes of labourers in tlie world. 

Examining these States next, in their capabilities to afford sus- 



17 

tenance, and wealth to man ; we find them producing a supera- 
bundance of meats, and fruits, and grains and roots; and yield- 
ing for a large export, the most valuable agricultural staples that 
the world knows:— staples which brino: millions ot peopJe, in 
other nations, dependant upon them for the raw material ; upon 
which aofain depend the manufuctures, and the commerce of 
those nations. The cotton, rice, tobacco, sugar, and other arti- 
cles exported from those States, amount to over $95,000,000, an- 
nually, besides what are kept back, and used freely for their own 
comforts, or manufactures at home. This affords, not only a 
very larore income to the inhabitants; but as imports are in pro- 
portion to exports; and the revenue of a nation in proportion to 
its imports, it will afford at a moderate tarifi' of duties, an over- 
flowing' treasury, which will enable the Southern United States 
to do, (what has heretofore been denied them,) and that is, by ex- 
pending within themselves, and for their own benefit, those im- 
mense sums which have been hitherto extorted from them, and 
squandered elsewhere, amply to fortify themselves, and develope 
their own mighty, but dormant resources. How different will be 
the aspect of things in the whole South, when this tide of wealth 
is dammed up within our own borders, and made to roll back 
among our own people; and when our immense capital is em- 
ployed by our own merchants in establishing a direct trade, be- 
tween our own Southern ports, and our customers all over the 
world. Then every vulnerable point will be protected by an 
ample fortification; then every suitable harbour will have its well 
appointed dock-yard, and our navy will soon rank with the 
proudest. Then every river, harbour, channel, or bank will be 
surveyed and mapped out for the security of our commerce. 
Then, when ice have our oipu, and it is spent amomr ourselves, 
will the unaccustomed nourishment be difl'used through the 
whole system, and its vivifying influence be felt in every pore. 
The arts will revive, manufactures will spring up around us ; 
our agriculture will rearits drooping head, our commerce will 
expand ; mechanic labour, meeting with ample rewards, will 
pour in upon us, and emigration, no longer discouraged by the 
uninviting aspect of our country, will flock to our shores. And 
then, as the consequence of all these things, will we exhibit to 
mankind, a refutation of the calumny of our enemies, which at- 
tributes the impoverished condition of things at the South, to the 
institution of slavery among us, and not rather to the systima- 
tic robbery of our National Legislature, (where we are in a hope- 
less minority,) by which the immense revenues drawn annually 
from Southern labour, is disbursed almost entire at the North, 
for the encouragement of the labour of that section. 

Considered then, in all the consequences of a peaceable sep- 
aration of the two sections, (and there is no justifiable reason 
2* 



18 

wliy it should not be peaceable,)— the Southern United States 
would be immeasurably gainers by disunion. We will now 
consider what vvor.ld likely be the result, if another new, and 
anon^lous condition be attempted to be imposed upon us, with 
which, in the arroaance of power, we have sometimes been 
threatened ; and that is the brotherly violence of musketry and 
cannon^ \.o force us to contiime in the fraternal embrace of the 
Union. 

What then, are our capabilities to meet the issue, if our ene- 
mies force upon us the alternative of a "civil war," as it is called; 
although in no particular, in which civil wars become so much 
to be dreaded, will this be one. It will be a war between two 
distinctlv marked sections, on opposite sides of a well defined 
line: between a nation on the one side, of Northern Slates, inva- 
diiio- anoiher nation of Southern States, waiting with all their 
mighty resources ot men and revenue, to meet the attack ; and 
with the concentrated energy of a righteous indio^nation to drive 
it back. And who that considers these immense resources, can 
for a moment doubt the issue. The Southern United States 
could briuij into the field, if necessary, 1,200,000 men, capable 
of bearing arms: and with duties at a war-scale, might have an 
annual revenue of $50,000,000 : which (as the civil war so called, 
would be one of defence,) would be spent almost entirely among 
our own people at home^ and would therefore be but little felt 
as a burden. 

Besides, it would be the policy of all the great maratime com- 
mercial and manutacturing nations of the world, to take sides 
with the South. Since the Northern States, in all their pursuits, 
are their rivals ; whilst the Southern United States, by their em- 
ployments, and the rich staples of our agriculture, would be 
their natural allies. By our cotton, hemp, tobacco, sugar, and 
other staple productions of our soil, we supply the raw material; 
upon which depends some of the most extensive of their manu- 
factures ; and which form the basis, of their most profitable com- 
merce, and by taking away the tonnage duties^ which now dis- 
criminate in favour of our Northern oppressors, and giving to 
our customers in Europe the profits of carrying our bulky sta- 
ples, we bind their navigating interest strongly in our favour. 

Separated, then, from our Northern "bretliren," our Southern 
United States, would become a valuable customer to all the ci- 
vilized nations oftiie woild;— oneto be conciliated and cherish- 
ed, rather than to be insulted and injured. And when our fa- 
vours are made to depend upon the civility, good offices, and 
national courtesy, which might be extended to us, by other na- 
tions ; there is no people who would be so forward to bid for our 
custom, on our own terms, as those very States, who, because 
they think they now have the riglit to those favours, receive 



19 

them without gratitude, and add insult and injury to us, whilst 
they enjoy them. 

The 'Southern United States need be under no apprehension, 
for any amount o{ revenue which they may require, for any pur- 
pose of peace, or war. The willingness to lend is always meas- 
ured by the ability to pay. If they be only true to themselves ; 
if they exhibit to the world, that which they undoubtedly pos- 
sess,— and that is their entire ability to protect and de- 
fend themselves from all aggression from abroad, or at home, 
and to maintain a vigorous political independence, they will 
possess the key, through the rich productions of their soil, by 
which to open the coffers of every capitalist in Europe ; and even 
of the Northern states of this continent. 

In men and revenue, our resources would be ample, for any 
emergency; and in {\\e good will of the nations, these advantages 
are increased. But when, in a conflict, such as we are consider- 
ing, all our other advantages are examined, our triumph becomes 
certain, our enemies would be the invaders ; and would there- 
fore require double the amount of revenue, to carry on their war 
of aggression. We would be the defenders with all the advan- 
tages of position ; in a compact territory; with each part giving 
support to all other parts ; and with our resources around, and 
about us. Our enemies could never be united in such a war- 
fare, even if they could raise the immense revenue, which it 
would require to conduct it: whilst the heart of the South would 
be in their cause, and they would be united as one man. The 
North may send upon us a horde of fanatics and desparadoes, to 
rob and to plunder ; or to force us back, into a Union, which has 
become odious to us, by the insults and injustice which we have 
suffered under it. But they will meet upon our borders, an array 
of bolder and more resolute men ; — standing around their fami- 
ies and their property ; and in defence of their honour and their 
rights, ready and able to drive back the vile aggressors, with 
ignominy and defeat. That will be an evil day to our enemies, 
when they shall spill the first drop of a Southern man's blood, 
who is standing up in defence of such a cause. The very stones 
will cry aloud at such an outrage upon our soil. Even our 
women will forget their sex, in defence of their injured country ; 
whilst the just indignation which will swell the hearts of all that 
is called " man," or claims to be man, throughout the wide bor- 
ders of the whole South, will impart a tenfold energy to their 
arms, in striking deep, into the hearts of their enemies. 

It is not forgotten in this place, that the chief instrument, 
which our humane and christian enemies calculate to employ 
against us, in operating our destruction, is, to excite an insur- 
rection among our slaves; and thus in their benevolent crusade 
in favour of the blacks, to inflict upon the white race, the united 



20 

horrors, of a servile and a civil war. This is the most cherish- 
ed scheme of these pious " philanthropists ;" by which they hope 
to terrify ns, into a submission to tlieir preposterous and insul- 
tinof demands, and it has not been without some effect. It has 
friofhtened many a nervous old woman ; and not a few Northern 
men, who have settled amongst us, in onr cities ; but who are 
entirely ignorant of the kindly feelings, which generally exist, 
between the slaveholder and his people. Bnt the scheme will 
be found to be as abortive, in practice, as it is demoniacal in con- 
ception : and can never succeed, except upon the supposition of 
asnpineness on the part of the people of the South, which would 
amount to insanity ; — in allowing our enemies to mingle freely 
with our slaves, and pervert their feelings by falsehoods, misre- 
presentations and delusive hopes. To the native slaveholder 
however, who, with his people, has been reared in tfie same 
neighbourhood, or perhaps upon the same plantation ; — who wit- 
nesses, on the one side, their feelings of respect and strong at- 
tachment towards liim ; and on the other, realizes to himself, the 
kindly feelings, which he indulges towards them, — this notable 
scheme of our enemies carries with it, no very alarming forebo- 
dings. His every day experience and observation convince him 
that the efforts of our enemies must be both active, uninterrupted 
and long continned, to extirpate that loyalty o[\\\s slaves, — 
which is stronger than a habit, and forms a part of their very 
nature: and so far from indulging in supineness, in a matter of 
that nature, it may be assumed as a fact, which will be true with- 
out an exception, thnt no emissary of msurrection will ever be 
able to travel throuyh our country, whose very movement will 
not be watched and noted ; until becoming entangled in his own 
snares, he shall meet the doom, which an enraged people have 
ready for such miscreants. It is only in times of profound peace 
and public security ; when suspicion is asleep, that an emissary 
maycra?i;/his way into some obscure neighbourhood, and by his 
serpent arts, pollute our slaves, and excite an insurrection. But 
such out-breaks must ever be very limited in their extent, and 
will be as easily pnt down, as any of the mobs which occur in 
the free-soil States. In times of tlireatened invasion, or open war 
during the stir and activity of military preparation, when the 
slaveholder is waked up to his danger, and has his arms in his 
hands, no insurrection of any extent is ever, likely to break out, 
and much less to succeed. Of this, very man who hasresided long 
at the South, will be convincod, who duly reflects on the subject, 
and should the occasion ever arise, when it mny become the 
South to tax all her energies, to mninlain her political existence, 
or defend her rights or honour ; we mii^ht, if it were deemed 
necessary, send into the field a million jf men to meet the inva- 
der^ without detracting scarcely a labourer from our agriculturej 



21 

besides leaving 200,000 men, at but little expense to the govern- 
ment, to act as a vigilant police, in keeping quiet any of our 
slaves who may be t)iade disatfected. An active police of a 
fourth of that number, properly directed and distributed over 
the South, would keep in order every disaffected slave, and 
effectively secure us from a servile insurrection. 

This favourite scheme, then, of our humane and christian 
enemies, will be found barren of the results which they antici- 
pate ; but will recoil upon them in a manner in which they least 
expect The deluded slave, whose mind has been poisoned by 
the falsehoods and wicked arts of the abolitionists, and has been 
tempted to raise his irreverent arm against the life of his master, 
will be foimd stricken down to the earth; whilst the diabolical 
agent of his ruin, the enemy alike of master and slave, will be 
found dangling from our loftiest trees, expiating his crimes after 
the miinner of Hainan of old. 

It will thus be perceived : First. That in the rich and varied 
resources which the "Southern United States," so abund- 
antly possess in revenue, and in men, we have all the ele- 
ments necessary for coiistitntiniir us a great, flourishing and in- 
dependent nation. Second, That the bugbear, disunion, or 
separation from the free-soil (or more properly Pharisaical,) 
States, would contribute greatly to our prosperity and happi- 
ness, and finally to our lastnig peace ; and Thud. I'liat the dan- 
gers of civil and servile war, should cause no well-grounded 
apprehension about the result, when the mighty array of means 
are considered, which we have for resistance and .self-defence. 

Now, these positions will he greatly strengthened, if we con- 
sider, 1st, In contrast with ours, the means and resources of the 
power which it is supposed might have the temerity to attack 
us: and 2nd, The diielul effects upon them, which disunion or 
a separation from us would entail. This is better understood by 
the reflectinij and sr^gacious men ainoiiij them, than it appears 
to be by us; and hence the Epithalamiums which they are con- 
stantly chanting in praise of (he " Union," the " Union ;" in the 
hope of keeping us in good humor with it. And hence the 
threats of violence and coercion, which they throw out to in- 
timidate us, to remain passive, within its fatal embraces. 

In the union of States, in which we find ourselves now asso- 
ciated, the free soil, or "Pharisee" States, are the merchants, 
the manulacfnres, and the shippers of the family : whilst the 
Southern States may be regarded, by way of distinction, as 
the aijricnlturists of the family. They manufacture for us, 
and by the aid of the bounties which they derive in the form of 
revenue duties, they shut us up from other customers, and bring 
us tributary to them, in a heavy amount, for their mnnvfactnrcs. 
They are ihecairiers of the extensive and bulky products of our 



22 

agriculture; and by the bounties which they enjoy in the form 
of tonnage duties, we are shut up from other customers, and are 
again brought under heavy tribute to them for freights. By 
the combined operation of these two causes, (and of some others 
which might be named, if necessary,) they get possession of the 
largest portion of our agricultural products ; which in the form 
of remittances in payment for imports, invests them with a large 
amount of our capital, upon the basis of which they carry on 
their extensive and lucrative commerce, — a commerce which 
brings us tributary to them again, to the full extent of the dif- 
ference at which they sell our exports abroad, and what they 
make us pay for the imports at home. 

In these several relations, the Southern States stand to the 
free-soil, or "Pharisee" States, as colonies to a parent and 
dominant country, — not allowed to employ the agents who will 
do their work without bounty, and at the least expense to them; 
nor to buy from those customejs, who will sell cheapest ; — but 
compelled to confine their business only to certain agents, who 
decide without competition upon the rates we have to pay them ; 
and to buy from them pretty much at their own prices. 

It is precisely, too, in these relations that these Free-Soil or 
Pharisee States become the objects of rivalry and jealousy, to all 
the commercial, manufacturmg and navigating countries of the 
world. Both are manufacturers; both are carriers; both are 
merchants, seeking foreign markets for their goods ; and hence 
the jostlings and jealousy which is likely to spring up between 
them. The custom then, of a people like the " Southern United 
States," which has from 95 to 100,000,000 worth of exports to 
dispose of, must be of the highest importance to every nation, 
which has ships to carry these exports; manufactures to ex- 
cnange for them, and a large commerce to expand by them. 
The alliance then, between nations of such different pursuits 
and characters, becomes strong and natural ; since in the mo- 
nopoly of that kind of custom, every commercial and manufac- 
turing nation must chiefly depend for their wealth and prosperity. 
It is the habit with many to suppose that nations without slaves 
are ipso facto, more flourishing than those that have them. But 
of all delusive notions, this is one of the most erroneous. Spain, 
Italv, Germany, France, Russia, or other '-free States" so called, 
are not more flourishing than our Southern States, with all the 
exactions which are made upon our labour. FiUgland is indebted 
for her immense wealth and remarkable prosperity to the mo- 
nopoly of the profits, and the trade of her extensive colonies, and 
especially of India, which she has sucked dry of all those enor- 
mous treasures, for which she was, lor a long time, (but not 
now,) a proverb among the nations. And in like manner, the 
Pharisee States of this Union have become comparatively rich 



23 

and flourishing, by the operation and policy of certain national 
laws which leave the Southern States in the relation of tribu- 
tary colonies to them. Let England be shorne of her colonies^ 
and with all her cant, and boasting, about the absence of slavery 
within her limits, what would she become ! And let the free- 
soil, or Pharisee States be separated from the "publicans and 
sinners" of the slave-holding States; and what will be their 
condition in five years? We will stop for a moment briefly to 
answer. 

Owing to the operation of certain laws of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, as we have just said, those States have now the entire 
?no?iopoly of the Southern market for a large amount of the ar- 
ticles which they manufacture, and upon which hundreds of 
thousands of their citizens depend for their support. They en- 
joy, also, bounties upon another large class of their manufactures, 
upon which millions more of their citizens depend, and which 
bounties secure to them great advantages over their foreign 
rivals, in our Southern markets. These bounties, in the form of 
revenue duties, are so high as to exclude foreign nations from 
competing with these Northern States for our custom, in many 
articles ; whilst in all other articles they enjoy an advantage 
over their foreign rivals equivalent to their receiving a present 
from the Federal Government of from fifteen to thirty-five 
dollars upon every hundred dollars worth of goods which they 
manufacture, and sell at the South. To estimate properly 
the immense importance of these advantages to the Northern 
States, it must be borne in mind, that this customer is no insig- 
nificant one; but numbers now perhaps, by the present census, 
nine millions of population, and that manufacturing at present 
little among themselves ; they are almost entirely buyers, and not 
sellers of those articles, which the Northern States and foreign 
nations send to them. 

Now, these things being premised, let any man ask himself, 
what would be the effect, if these bounties of the Federal Gov- 
ernment were taken away ; and not only taken away, but the 
burden of an impost duty, added to the cost of manufacturing. 
The separation of the Southern from the Northern States, would 
render it necessary for us to have a revenue of our own, which 
on a peace establishment, may be assumed to be about 20 per 
cent at an average. We will also assume that the average 
amount of bounty which the Northern manufacturers now re- 
ceive, under our present revenue laws, is also 20 per cent. It is 
in reality, much more. The account then, will stand thus, hi 
the Union, they \\i\ve b. present now made them of §20, for every 
hundred dollars worth of goods which they manufacture; which 
adds just so much to the profits of their labour. Separated from 
us, ney lose first, this government present of 20 percent; and 



24 

have, secondly, to add to the loss, 20 per cent more, in the form 
of a revenue duty to be paid to the Southern United States : — 
making a difference to them, in the profits of their industry, of 
40 per cent. Can any sane man believe for a moment, that man- 
ufactures which are now fostered by bounties of 20 per cent, and 
as their advocates tell us, scarcely thrive at that, can exist for a 
year, when 40, or even 20 percent of their profits are abstracted 
from them? It would be absurd to suppose so. 

It may be confidently assumed then, that the separation of the 
Northern States from us, which would be followed by this loss 
of their present bounties, and the addition of new burdens on 
their labour, would bankrupt almost every manufacturing estab- 
lishment at the North ; and would throw out of employment 
hundreds of thousands of their citizens, who would have to 
throng into other departments of their industry to seek a liveli- 
hood. Hut what other department of their industry, would be 
in a better condition, or could receive them? Certainly not their 
acrricultural, which cannot compete now with the South and 
West, in any article which they can grow to a profit. Not their 
navigation interest, for under the state of things which we are 
supposing, the tonnage bounties being taken from them, and 
duties of our own burdened upon them instead, and our freights 
being given to our foreign customers, or perhaps only a small 
share given to Northern ship-owners, — their navigation interest 
would dwindle, and their sailors would have to seek employ- 
ment elsewhere. Their commercial department could not re- 
ceive them : Since, exporting our agricultural products in the 
vessels of our foreign customers, and establishing a direct trade 
between our own ports, and those countries, we not only shall 
have no need for Northern merchants, to do our business, but 
being deprived of the immense capital, which they now have the 
use of, in exporting so large a portion of our rich nwricultural 
staples, they would be deprived of the chief support, upon which 
their foreign commerce is now kept so prosperous, and without 
which it must droop on, in a feeble and sickly existence. 

Every department of Northern industry being doomed to heavy 
injury, diminishment and decay, by this withdrawal of the bomi- 
ties which they now enjoy in tlie Union, and the competition 
which they will have to encounter out of it, from other nations; 
and millions of their citizens being thrown out of employment 
to seek for it elsewhere, but which cannot be found at home ; — 
the first effect of oiu" separation from them, will be incalculable 
distress among their citizens ; and the next, the imigration of 
their citizens, with their capital to other States, where it can be 
made to be more profitable. The " Southern United States" will 
offer the strongest temptations to them for such imigraiion and 
investment of capital. It will be necessary only to cross over 



25 

the line, and settle within her borders, to renew the priviliges 
which they formerly enjoyed under the old Union :— and who 
doubts, but that it will be eagerly embraced, and thousands ab- 
stracted from the population, and millions from the capital of the 

North. , • , •„ u 

But it is not merely in the wide spread mjury which will be 
inflicted upon every department of industry at the North, that 
the effects of a seperation from us will be felt by their citizens. 
We are infinitely profitable to them in another way. We are the 
tax papers; whilst they are the tax receivers, and tax spenders. 
They have contrived by adroit management, and throujrh their 
majority in Congress, to collect large revenues, which are drawn 
chiefly from our Southern labour ; and after the treasury has 
been filled, they have not been wanting in pretexts, some of them 
the most flimsy and unconstitutional, to empty it into the laps of 
their own citizens to enrich them, or appropriate it for public 
works within their own limits, to benefit their own section. The 
domestic exports of the United States in 1848, (the latest year of 
which I have a return by me) were within a trifle of $133,000,- 
000 : of which the share of the Southern States was about 95,- 
000,000, leaving the balance of 28,000,000 as the share of the 
Northern States. These brought us a return of $155,000,000 of 
imports : — of which the share of the South would be about 110,- 
000,000, and that of the North about 45,000,000. Now, suppo- 
sing, that all of these imports pay duties, (which is now the 
case,) at an average of 20 per cent, (which is less than is really 
exacted,) the Southern States pay 22,000,000 towards the annual 
revenue of the General Government, whilst the North contri- 
butes but 9,000,000. 

But how stands the account of the dishiirsement of these 31,- 
000,000 of revenue? Are the 22,000,000 which are taken from 
the labour of the South expended at the South, to enrich her 
citizens and improve her section : and only the 9,000,000 which 
are contributed by the North spent among her people? Far, 
very far, is this from being the case. We have not within our 
reach the documents which are necessary to exhibit this point ; 
but we see, and feel, and know that harsh injustice is done us in 
this matter. It has been asserted, on good authority, that seven- 
ninths of the income of the General Government is spent at the 
North ; and but two-ninths at the South. According to this es- 
timate,' whilst the Southern States contribute of the 31,000,000, 
22000,000, they receive back, to be spent among their people, 
but 6,900,000 : and whilst the North contributes but 9,000,000 
to that fund, they contrive so to divert the current of expendi- 
ture out of its natural channels, as to spend the enormous amount 
of 24,100,000 among her own people, which is 15,000,000 an- 
nually more than they contribute ; and to the same amount, so 
3 



26 

much taken f 1-0711 the profits of our industry, to enrich their 
own citizens and section. This is equally true of the revenue 
also, from the sale of our public land's, and all other sources of 
our public income, amounting to nearly 4,000,000 more, which 
swells the amount disbursed among the free-soil States to nearly 
28,000,000, whilst the sums expended at the South are less than 
8,000,000. 

In estimating then, the value of the Union to them, as it has no 
doubt often been cyphered out in the true "clockmaker" style 
by the "Sam Slicks" of the North, it has without doubt been as- 
certained, and credited in their "bank-book," as being worth to 
them, in hard dollars, at least eig;hteen millions of dollars annu- 
ally, in clear gain, and free of all expenses. Hence the tender 
affection. — the reverential regard, which they pretend to feel, and 
express for the " Union :" and hence the abhorrence which they 
express at the thought ofseparalion from their beloved " brethren" 
at the South, and the denunciation of those who breathe the 
word "disunion" as a thing, that is possible. But the South be- 
gins at length to understand the sincerity of these professions of 
veneration for the Union ;" and the disinterestedness of their in- 
dignation, at those who would dissolve it ; and especially, when 
they threaten to hold us in their embraces, by main force, and 
with all the violence of musketry and cannon, if need be. We 
viewed it as the old trick of Demetrius and his confederate "sil- 
versmiths at Ephesus" who made silver shrines for the goddess 
Diana. This employment " brought no small gain to the crafts- 
men," we are told : but the great Apostle, in preaching aCTain^t 
idolatry, disturbed the rookery. And then loud and long, did they 
lift up their voices, in honour of " great Diana" of the Ephesians; 
until doubtless, the simple ones of the town, believed these to be 
sincere and devoted worshippers of the goddess. But these wor- 
thies cracked their throats in honour of the "great Diana," and 
would have murdered the messenger of God, — not because they 
cared an assariiim for the daughter of Jupiter, but because, as 
inspiration tells us, " their craft was in danger :" and the Apos- 
tle in the performance of his high duties, had attempted to put 
an end to its iniquities. . Just so, is it with those, who employ 
themselves in bepraising the "Union," as a glorious Union," and 
so forth ; and who denounce as " traitors" those who question its 
advantages, conducted as it has been for years past ; and who 
would bring it hack to its original principles of equality and 
justice ; or dissolve it. They feel that in separating from the 
South, " their craft is in danger." They arc in dangerof loosing, 
not merely the bounties which gave life to their manufactures, 
their shipping and their commerce; but the good round sum of 
$1H,000,000 annually, which is taken from the pockets of the 
Southern plat.'ters to be transferred, by a sort of legislative leger- 



'Zi 



demain. into their own pockets, to enrich themselves and give 
prosperity to their sections. Deprived by disunion, of this annu- 
al and refreshing supply, they must either permit the hundreds 
of thousands of their citizens who are now nourished by those 
expenditures, to sink down in suffering, and the public works 
upon which they are squandered to go to decay ; or they must 
raise the amount by taxes, upon themselves. But how raise 
them ? They appropriate to themselves, out of the public treas- 
ury, not only the nine millions of their own, but eishteen 
millions and more, contributed by the South :— making their 
siiare of the expenditures, over 27000,000 of dollars. Now it 
has been seen that their share of the imports amount only to about 
45,000,000 : upon which it would require, a duty of 60 per cent, 
to raise the 27,000,000 of revenue, which they are now accus- 
tomed to spend. But as no commerce could bear for any length 
of time, a burden of 60 per cent, then the resort would have to 
be, to direct taxes : — which it is very doubtful, whether a popu- 
lation like that in the Northern States would submit to. 

It may be assumed then, as a thing that is certain, that that 
amount of revenue could not, (except by borrowing,) be supplied 
for purposes of either war, or peace: and that all the interests 
and projects, which are now fostered by that expenditure, will be 
suffered to languish and decay. 

In every point of examination then, it will appear, that the 
dissolution of the Union, will be followed by infinite distress and 
disaster to the North ; and with comparatively little to the South. 
Let every Southern man then firmly persuade himself of this 
fact ; that the Uiu'on is of vastly more value to them, than it is to 
us ; and that it is for them, and not for us, to make sacrifices and 
concessions to maintain it. 

As long as the principles of the Constitution are faithfully ob- 
served, and the Union made to promote the purposes, for which 
it was formed, it becomes our duty to support it. It is true, that 
conducted at its best, it is likely through all the fiscal operations 
of the Federal Government, to be a hard bargain for us. But 
when honourable men have solemnly joined hands over aeon- 
tract, it is not for one party to deny their obligations, because in 
a matter of dollars and cents, the other may have the advanlage. 
The South then, it may lieconfidently asserted, would never have 
disturbed the Union, or calculated its value, had she not been 
wounded in some of her tenderest points; — points, which touch 
her honour, and peril her existence. Her just rights have been 
invaded,or denied her. Her feelings are outraged by daily in- 
sults to our Representatives in the common council halls of the 
nation ; and they use every eflbrt to degrade us, by insulting 
resolutions directed against us, and our institutions. They not 
only do this, in the most aggravated form, but in their arrogance 



28 

of power, on the most uuiieeessary occasions. They press the 
" Wihiiot proviso," not only over territory, where slavery never 
would have been carried ; but they appear to regard the act of a 
territory, which excludes the slave-holder with his slaves, as in 
itself so meritoreous, that they have just forced California into 
the Union, against every requirement of sound policy, against 
all sound precedent, and contrary to the truest principles of the 
Constitution. They exclude us not only from Territory, which 
is our own, equally as it is theirs, but is unsuited to our institu- 
tions ; — but they now attempt to deprive us of broad lands, which 
are well suited to us ; — which have been conquered by our val- 
our, and won by our treasure and our blood ; and are in this 
respect, more our own, than it is theirs. And whilst they do 
this to us, who have a just right to those lands, as our property ; 
to us, whom they profess to call " brethren" and who have a claim 
upon them as such, — they have, as if in utter contempt of us, our 
feelings, and our interests, offered to s^ive aioay, to squander, to 
lavish, those lands, upon every vagrant, or pauper, or vagabond 
emigrant, who may be enticed from the rest of the world, to come 
and settle upon them!! These are the injuries and insults, 
which have sunk deep into the Southern heart, and made every 
man in the retirement of his plantation, calculate the value of a 
Union, with such men, as perpetrate such enormiites. And when 
is superadded to all these things, the evidence which is before 
us, that they are steadily advancing upon us, with deadly hos- 
tility, to destroy our instilutions, and that they claim the right 
to meddle with us. because we belong to the Union ; — then it 
becomes the South resolutely to take the position which tjie 
emergency requires; demand a redress of tlieir grievances ; and 
ample security for their rights, now and hereafter. 

And here comes up the question, to obtain an answer to which 
the citizens of St. John's Colleton, have sought to obtain the sen- 
timents of their candidates ; — " What does it become the South 
to do, under the circimistanccs of their case V 

Actively and efficiently the South can do nothing, to redress 
her wrongs ; as long' as she remains in the Union. She is in a 
minority, a hopeless minority in the House of Representatives ; 
and now, since California is admitted, the equilibrium is destroy- 
ed in the Senate ; and we are in a hopeless minority there also. 
The South must therefore depend hereafter, upon (he forbear- 
ance aud'jiisficeo( this majority, for carryiuiront any measure, 
which may be necessary for licr well-being: audihc kind of jus- 
tice which she may expect in future may be judged of, by the 
specimens which the North is now preparing for us wiihin her 
own borders, and by that which we have just witnessed in the 
admission of California. Nor is there any mode by which we 
can reach, or change those majorities; since they are responsi- 



29 

ble not to us, but to remote and hostile constituencies. It may 
be justly apprehended too, that as the North becomes stronger, 
and more influential, the traitors to the South will become more 
numerous among her public 7nen ; and the breed of the Badgers 
and the Bentons, the Bells, the Honstons, and the Footes, will 
fearfully multiply amon^ us. With the strong arm of power, 
the treasures and the oflices of the nation will be seized upon by 
the North, and we shall be betrayed and weakened, by desertion 
from our ranks, through the bribes which shall be held out to 
the ambitious, or the needy. 

If then, we may expect no justice from the North : — if we be 
powerless to do ourselves justice; and if all the indications at 
present, and for the future, admonish us, that we shall become 
less and less able to protect ourselves, as long as we continue 
members of the Union, then a measure presents itself for the 
adoption of the South, which brings up one of the most solemn 
questions which can occupy the heads and the hearts of the 
American people ; — and that measure is, the diss oh it ion of the 
Union. 

That man must be heady, unreflecting and short sighted in- 
deed, who does not have his mind impressed with profound 
thoughtfulness and the deep^ist solemnity, when he contemplates 
the magnitude of the consequences which might flow from such 
a measure. Considered in its possible, if not its probable con- 
sequences, it may involve us in bloody wars; in great sacrifice 
of property and life ; in privations of comforts, and in sufferings 
of positive evils, which in our past career we have seen nothing 
the like of. It is beyond controversy then, the gravest question 
which has occupied the American mind, before or since the 
adoption of our present constitution. Then, certain sovereign 
States divested themselves of certain high attributes of sover- 
eio-nty, in order to grant to a common agent, certain powers to 
be' used for the common and equal benefit of each and every of 
the united parties. Now, some of those parties are about to take 
back the powers which they had surrendered, and which have 
been used, not for their benefit, but abused for purposes of the 
grossest insult, injustice and oppression. Then, they formed a 
union for mutual benefit, and as they hoped, for all time ; now 
that union having been perverted from its orio;inal design, is to 
be dissolved, in oVder that one of the parties may not be destroy- 
ed. Can any reflecting man suppose, that this is a light and 
easy thing to be accomplished; or that it should be done except 
for great cause, or from some imperious necessity. If there be 
any who thus think, I confess I am not one of them; but on the 
contrary, have approached this whole subject, with my mind 
solemnized by the weighty responsibility which attaches to the 
expression of my opinions. But, there are evils, so stupen- 



30 

doifs, thnt to avoid them, no perils or hardships should be con- 
sidered too great to be encountered. After what I have before 
said, I need not here add, that 1 consider the Southern States, as 
overshadowed at this time by such evils ; and that in their sep- 
aration from the free-soil States, is their only visible hope, ao-ainst 
pecuniary ruin, and in the end, against political annihilation. It 
may be laid down too, as a proposition indisputably true, that 
the man who faulters through fear of the consequences from 
adoptinof any measure (be it disunion itself) which his jud2:ment 
may approve to be pi-o/)er; or who makes concessions on this 
\ question, as from a weaker to the stronger power,--that that man 
^- has already made up his mind to give np his slave property, and 
betray the South when the day of trial shall arrive ! 

But it may be asked, can nothing', will nothing be done, to 
avert from this great nation so momentous a necessity, as a sep- 
aration of the Southern from the free-soil States. We have seen 
that whatever is done towards that end, must be effected by the 
North, — who bavins; the majority, has alone the power to do it. 
Now, to judge of the probability of this being done, let us hiquire 
what the South has a right, in strict justice, to demand. 

We have a right to demand, that the arroo-ances and insults 
should cease, which are now so frequently offered to us, through 
our representatives in Congress ; and that instead thereof, we 
should receive that comity which belongs to us, as sovereicrn 
States, and that respect for our interests, which the Constitution 
contemplates. And as a means to this end, that no interi'erence 
with slavery in any form, and especially in the forms in which 
it has been heretofore intruded u];on Congress.shall he permitted, 
except by our consent. 

We have a right to demand the faithful observance of the 
Constitution, in having our fugitive slaves delivered up to us, 
mstead of the violence, imprisonments, bloodshed and even 
murders of our citizens, when attempting to brino- them back. 

^Ve have a riijht to demand a perfect equality under the Con- 
stitution : — an equal share in all the property, Vv'hich bclono's to 
us as a nation : a right to an equal share of the public binds; if 
not in the proportion of men and money, which we contributed 
to conquer them, at least in proportion to our whole population, 
including whites and slaves. 

We have a ri2;lit to have the equilibrium restored in the Sen- 
ate between the two sections, which has lately been destroyed 
by the admission of California into the Union: or, instead of 
this, some other siuaranlec, by which theSouth may have ample 
power to protect //e/'.vp//" against the anti-slavery aggressions of 
Congress and the free-soil States. 

Is there any one of these demands which the South should 
abate : — any one which she can give up with safety, and without 



31 

which she can expect a durable peace? To my mind there 
seems to be not one ! 

But will the North concede to us these just and necessary re- 
quirements. I hope that she will. But my expectations are, that 
she will not, except she become thoroughly persuaded that disu- 
nion will be the inevitable consequence, "i'hen she will sacri- 
fice somethinw- to crain more, and yield us, not only what we de- 
mand, but even more, to secure to themselves the present advan- 
tages of the Union. 

But if she will not, can any one suppose, that two parties can 
continue to live together; owe of whom, has so mony thorns rank- 
ling in the flesh, and so many grievances constantly chafing the 
spirit ? They may be bound together, as the conquered to the 
conqueror; as the enslaved to the inexorable superior. But ne- 
\'er can they be united in a brotherhood of friendship and con- 
tentment. Such a Union is unnatural, and cannot last : and 
whilst it lasts can bear no fruits, except those of bitterness and 
poverty ! 

But how is such a Union to be severed; and upon what terms 
shall the partnership be terminated ? These are questions which 
open a wide field for careful reflections, and are calculated to tax 
the sagacity of our wisest statesmen. It is not for a fraction of 
one of the parties, (as a single State.) to decide for the rest, what 
is to be done, how it is to be done, and when it ought to be done: 
But for all the parties similarly interested, to decide for all in all, 
in united counsel. Each neighbourhood may have its Southern 
Rights' Association. Each State may have her Southern Rights 
Oro-anization. But it must be for theSouthern Slates, in a South- 
ern Convention, to decide what the whole South ought to do. 
Whatever they may do unitedly^ or with any thing like unani- 
mity, we may rest assured, will be done with safety to ourselves, 
and without much risk of coercion from the North. In the mean- 
time let South-Carolina respectfully await for her Southern sisters; 
since she is not likely to suffer wrong or dishonour, by binding 
up her destiny with theirs. 

September, 1850. 



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